A second, more substantial wave of migration occurred in the 1980s and 1990s. This wave consisted not only of direct migrants from India but also of Bohras from East Africa (Tanzania, Kenya, Uganda), who were displaced by economic nationalization policies, and from Pakistan and Bangladesh. These migrants brought with them a diverse linguistic heritage—Gujarati, Urdu, Kutchi, and Swahili—as well as a robust entrepreneurial spirit. By the early 2000s, the community had grown sufficiently large to warrant the formal attention of the global Dawoodi Bohra leadership, based in Mumbai, India, under the guidance of the al-Dā‘ī al-Muṭlaq (the absolute missionary, the community’s supreme spiritual leader).
Despite their successful integration, German Bohras face several distinct challenges. The first is generational and linguistic. While the first and second generations are comfortable with Gujarati as the language of liturgy and domestic life, the third generation (born in Germany) increasingly prefers German. This has necessitated a gradual shift in wa‘z (sermons) and religious instruction, with the Dā‘ī’s messages now often translated into German. Maintaining religious fervor and cultural distinctiveness in a highly secularized environment requires constant effort. dawoodi bohra germany
The religious life of German Bohras is centered around the Masjid and Jamaat Khana (community hall), which are often combined in a single property. These centers host the five daily prayers, Friday sermons, and the distinctive Bohra religious calendar, including the mourning month of Muharram and the festive celebrations of Eid al-Fitr and Eid al-Ghadir . A cornerstone of Bohra practice, Misāq (the covenant of allegiance to the Dā‘ī ), is regularly reaffirmed. The community also places a strong emphasis on al-Ma‘rūf (religious education) for children, with Sunday schools ( Madrasa ) teaching Qur’anic recitation, Arabic, and basic Bohra theology, often in a mix of Gujarati, Urdu, and German. A second, more substantial wave of migration occurred
A more significant challenge is the external perception of the Dawoodi Bohra faith. Many Germans are unfamiliar with Shia Islam and often conflate all Islamic practices. The Bohra practice of zakat (charitable tithe) and other religious contributions has, on rare occasions, been misunderstood as financial impropriety, though the community maintains transparent accounting. More critically, the practice of khatna (circumcision) for both males and, controversially, females has drawn scrutiny. The Dawoodi Bohra leadership publicly states that they practice a symbolic, non-harmful form of female circumcision (termed khafḍ ), which they distinguish from female genital mutilation (FGM). This distinction is not legally recognized in Germany, where any form of non-medical genital alteration of female minors is a criminal offense under §226a of the German Criminal Code. This has created a tense legal and ethical landscape, with some community members facing investigations, leading to a climate of fear and secrecy around the practice. It represents the most serious point of friction between Bohra religious tradition and German law. By the early 2000s, the community had grown