Macroeconomia May 2026

The 1970s illustrated the dynamics of "adaptive expectations." As the central bank repeatedly tried to boost demand, workers and firms learned to expect higher inflation. The Phillips Curve shifted upward, creating a high-inflation, high-unemployment equilibrium. The key lesson was that the trade-off is only a short-run phenomenon, and it vanishes entirely if policymakers attempt to exploit it systematically.

The journey from the Phillips Curve to modern inflation targeting reveals a fundamental evolution in macroeconomic thought. The early Keynesian belief in a stable, exploitable trade-off gave way to the sobering realization that expectations, not just statistical relationships, are the primary drivers of inflation. The stagflation of the 1970s demonstrated the cost of ignoring expectations; the Volcker disinflation showed the painful necessity of building credibility; and the Great Moderation highlighted the benefits of an explicit, rules-based policy framework. Macroeconomia

The theoretical underpinning of this era was intuitive: when aggregate demand increased, the economy moved closer to full capacity. Firms, facing a tightening labor market, bid up wages to attract scarce workers. To maintain profit margins, these higher labor costs were passed on to consumers as higher prices. Conversely, during a recession, high unemployment reduced workers’ bargaining power, slowing wage growth and thus inflation. Throughout the 1960s, the Phillips Curve was accepted as a cornerstone of Keynesian economics. Policymakers believed they could "fine-tune" the economy, moving along the curve to achieve a politically optimal mix of, say, 4% unemployment and 2% inflation. This belief, however, contained a fatal flaw: it ignored the role of expectations. The 1970s illustrated the dynamics of "adaptive expectations

In 1958, New Zealand-born economist A.W. Phillips published a seminal paper documenting a negative statistical relationship between unemployment rates and the rate of wage inflation in the United Kingdom from 1861 to 1957. American economists Paul Samuelson and Robert Solow soon replicated this finding for the U.S. economy, coining the term "Phillips Curve." They presented it as a "menu of choice" for policymakers. The journey from the Phillips Curve to modern

By credibly anchoring long-term inflation expectations, central banks broke the self-fulfilling spiral of inflationary psychology. In this modern synthesis, the Phillips Curve became very flat in the short run: large movements in unemployment produced only small changes in inflation. This gave central banks more room to respond to recessions without fear of igniting inflation. However, the flattening of the curve also presented a new puzzle: if inflation no longer responds strongly to labor market slack, how should central banks fight deflationary recessions? The 2008 Global Financial Crisis tested this, as massive increases in unemployment failed to cause significant deflation, leading to fears of a "liquidity trap."

The 1970s delivered a devastating empirical refutation of the simple Phillips Curve. Following the OPEC oil embargo of 1973 and subsequent supply shocks, the U.S. and other developed economies experienced simultaneous rises in both unemployment and inflation—stagflation. This was theoretically impossible according to the original Phillips Curve, which had posited that one could only move along the curve, not shift it outward.

The success of the Volcker disinflation led to a new era known as the Great Moderation (mid-1980s to 2007). This period was characterized by low and stable inflation, reduced volatility in output, and a near-flattening of the Phillips Curve. Many economists attributed this success to improved monetary policy frameworks, particularly . Adopted by the Reserve Bank of New Zealand in 1990 and later by many other central banks, this approach involved publicly announcing an inflation target (e.g., 2%) and adjusting interest rates preemptively to achieve it.